Joan Abela

Dowries and Foreign Influences in Fashion and Taste in Eighteenth-and Nineteenth-Century Malta

joan.abela@um.edu.mt
DOI: 10.7431/RIV30092024

One of the most complex endeavours which historians face is to recognise how seemingly silent voices may be identified to produce history. Women are often perceived as belonging to a segment of society with limited representation. However, their unique historical experiences occasionally emerge with considerable clarity illuminating other phenomena that have shaped society. This paper aims to conduct a microhistorical analysis of twenty notarial registers associated with twelve notaries, covering the period from 1712 to 1870. Through this analysis, the study seeks to explore whether marriage and dowry agreements can serve as a conduit for identifying foreign cultural influences on fashion within the Maltese society of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with a particular focus on the domain of jewellery1.

The legal background

Malta developed as an interesting comparator to other European influences both in its cultural time lag and in its intensely masculine context2. The relationship between women and patrimonial property has garnered increasing scholarly attention, revealing a number of potential avenues for multi-disciplinary research3. A recent study examining sixteenth-century Maltese marriage contracts identified two predominant marriage regimes in Malta during this period. The first, known as the alla Maltese regime, stipulated that women lost control over their dotal property approximately fifteen years from the birth of the first child. In contrast, the alla Greca, sive alla Romana regime established a complete separation of the couple’s assets, affording women greater control over their dowry. Under this arrangement, women retained legal competence to dispose of their dowries as they saw fit. Although the husband was permitted to administer the dowry, his role was restricted to managing it in a way that served the collective interests of the family. This regime, therefore, provided women with a higher degree of economic autonomy and legal agency compared to the alla Maltese system4.

Moving into the period under examination, notarial deeds from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries provide significant insight into the prevalent marriage regimes of the time. These documents reveal a marked preference for the alla Greca sive alla Romana system, which had emerged as the dominant matrimonial framework. A close analysis of twenty-five marriage contracts from this period underscores the pervasiveness of this regime, as all the contracts adhered to this model. Notably, many of the agreements from the eighteenth century further reinforced the principle of dowry inalienability by including the stipulation in perpetuum, thereby emphasizing the dowry’s permanent protection from alienation5.

Although the choice of the spouse was centrally important, at the heart of every marriage lay the exchange of property. The contracts under study show that in most cases, apart from the bride’s dowry, the notary would also mention the legacy given to the groom by his parents – what in legal terminology is known as the propter nuptias. Both of these donations were considered by law to be part of the children’s inheritance and, once given, it was usually stated that the children could not make any further inheritance claims6. Another requirement by law was the promise of a dodarium or dower, a sum pledged by the bridegroom to the wife, to be paid in the event he predeceased her, ensuring her financial security7.

Dowries as a reflection of society

In addition to immovable property, such as land and buildings, dowries often included items like furniture, clothing, jewellery, and various household paraphernalia, which were deemed essential for the efficient running of a household. These items serve as significant indicators of social class and presumed wealth, shedding light on the economic standing of the families involved. For instance, in 1776, Agostino Camilleri was so impoverished that his future mother-in-law had to cover half the expenses for his “abito dello sponsalizio” (wedding suit), illustrating that even spouses from the same social rank did not necessarily possess equal financial resources8. Similarly, in 1833, Antonio Borg from Valletta could only afford to provide his daughter with “una tavola Bianca per Cucina” (a kitchen table made from spruce wood) and a “specchio piccolo” (a small mirror), amounting to a modest five scudi and six tarì, for furnishing her home9.

In stark contrast, when the widow Augusta Pulis, née Pellegrini chose to remarry in 1868, her personal wealth included an impressive array of assets, among them a number of oil paintings, two of which were believed to be the work of the French artist Antoine Favray (1706–1798)10. An examination of her extensive inventory of both moveable and immoveable possessions reveals a diverse collection, ranging from American napkins to French-styled furniture11. Of particular note are her rich library, featuring books in both Italian and English, an assortment of silverware and porcelain used for banqueting and tea tables12, and, notably, her jewellery pieces13. The bride-to-be also pledged to embellish their home with a “Boisellot” (sic) piano14, a highly valued instrument that alone was appraised at forty scudi15.

Augusta’s husband, Etelvoldo Agostino Ferro16, a commercial clerk by profession, harboured a deep appreciation for music, as evidenced by his substantial contribution to the marriage in the form of an impressive collection of musical instruments from Italy, France, and England. Among these instruments were three stringed pieces crafted by the renowned Gagliani family, one of which was notably described as a highly prized “violino, Galliani [sic] padre con cassa“17. This refers to the famous Neapolitan family of luthiers, whose craftsmanship dates back to the seventeenth century, making their instruments highly coveted across Europe (Fig. 1)18.

Etelvoldo’s musical repertoire further underscores his passion for the art form, as it comprised over one hundred compositions, featuring works by celebrated composers such as Verdi, Rossini, Bellini, Mozart, and Beethoven19.  His collection, which reflected a keen and discerning taste in music, positions him alongside seasoned music connoisseurs of his time, bridging both personal enjoyment and the wider cultural trends of nineteenth-century European musical appreciation.

His collection of silver, gold, and diamond artifacts was also notably impressive20, featuring a range of luxurious items. Among these were brooches studded with diamonds, lockets— including one described as “con Croce di smalto Bianco et catena” (with an enamelled cross and a chain)21 (Fig. 2) and a variety of rings, one of which was embellished with a cartouche22. The latter item is indicative of the Egyptomania that pervaded European cultures at the time which “captured the imagination of the French and charmed England and Ireland during the Regency era of the early nineteenth century, particularly in architecture, the decorative arts and jewelry”23. Etelvoldos’ button collection also displayed remarkable diversity in both style and material composition, featuring items such as buttons “per camicie con smalto e perle” (for shirts, enamelled and pearl-adorned), others “per polso di tartaruga con stelle d’oro” 24 (for cuffs, crafted from toroiseshell with gold stars), “per gilè di corallo” (for waistcoats, made of coral), and “per maniche con fibbre d’oro”25 (for sleeves, with gold clasps).  A particular item which mirrors the  influence of contemporary European trends of wearing jewellery that conveyed a message26 includes an unidentified piece of jewellery bearing the interlaced symbolic element of the three virtues: Faith, Hope, and Charity27.

Another notable dowry was that given to Olga Tagliaferro, daughter of a rich Valletta businessman of Genoese descent, Girolamo Tagliaferro, and his late wife, Maria née Borg28. In the early nineteenth century, the Tagliaferro family had established themselves as influential figures in the local economy, having first operated an insurance company and subsequently, by 1812, founded their own private bank29. It is therefore unsurprising that Olga’s dowry not only included substantial assets but also a generous income derived from investments in various foreign bonds, notably in France, Egypt, and Italy30. Olga’s marriage to the Contino Alfredo Sant Fournier (1840–1903)31, a Lieutenant in the Royal Malta Fencible Artillery and son of Count Don Lazzaro Sant Fournier (1813–1898)32 and the late Countess Donna Adelaide Sant33, further solidified her position in society34.  Through this union, Olga not only brought with her a rich estate but also ascended socially by gaining the title of nobility, thus enhancing both her family’s stature and her personal status.

The donated lands, buildings, furniture, and various paraphernalia—including garments and other domestic items—not only reflect the opulent lifestyle characteristic of these families, but also, as previously observed, underscore the influence of foreign trends on local tastes and fashion. This influence is particularly evident in references to items such as the “servizio d’argento con smalto”35,  a silverware set of Russian manufacture, which serves as a symbol of the broader cultural and stylistic exchanges of the period. Moreover, as shall be explored in further detail, the donation of exquisite pieces of jewellery, adorned with precious gemstones and encrusted in diverse styles, to both the bride and groom, further exemplifies the intersection of wealth, social status, and cosmopolitan influences within the material culture of the time36.

The Brilliant-Cut Diamond

During the eighteenth century, the ever-growing desire of those in the higher echelons of society to sparkle and shine during social events saw the brilliant-cut diamond take precedence over coloured stones37; it became a favourite item for those who could afford it38. A study by Francesca Balzan on jewellery in nineteenth-century Malta established that the nobility and the rich Maltese bourgeoisie tended to keep up with these new trends and were open to foreign influences39. The results of the current study supplement these findings40.

Indeed, a look inside Olga Tagliaferro’s jewellery box confirms such preference since the future bride could live up to her newly acquired noble status by adorning herself with exquisite pieces such as  “1 Croce con 16 Brillanti” (a cross with 16 brilliants), “un anello con piccoli brillanti”, (a ring with small brilliants) “1 pajo [d’] orecchini con 2 brillanti e 12 piccole attorno” (a pair of earrings with 2 brilliants surrounded by 12 small  brilliants), and another pair of earrings styled with “4 brillanti” (four brillinats)41. Reflecting the trends of the 1850s, hair jewellery was highly fashionable among young women. In keeping with this, Olga’s dowry contained “un fiore per testa con 37 brillanti” (a flower with 37 brilliants for the head)42 (Fig. 3). The fashion of the time favoured a central hair parting, which also served as an excellent frame for wearing “una corona contenente brillanti e bozzetti 75” 43. With its array of closely set diamonds this crown would have glistened all over, being particularly effective in reflecting the fire of the candlelight. All of the above items carried a total value of £182 and ten shillings44.

The groom’s great aunt was also keen on enriching the bride’s diamond collection by donating, “una collana con nove brillanti e sette topazi orientali” (a necklace with nine brilliants and 7 oriental topaz) costing £55, and, the most prized of all: “un anello a rosetta con un brillante grande e dodici piccole” (a rose-shaped ring with a big brilliant and twelve small ones), which was valued at £18545. Apart from these, Olga’s future  father-in-law gifted her with “una spilla con crysaletti montata a forma di mezza luna con 17 brillanti” (a half-moon brooch with 17 brilliants) (Fig. 4), “un anello alla marchesa con 1 rubino e 6 diamanti” (a ring alla marchesa with 1 ruby and six diamonds), and “una collano con un topazio, Briolet46, due rubini doublet47, perle e brillanti” (a necklace with a topaz, Briolet, two rubies doublet, pearls and brilliants), all valued at £50 by the German Jeweller from Dresden, Hugo Plesch, who at the time was residing in Valletta48.

General Descriptions

From these lists one can observe that although donated items were individually valued, they often carried a very short and general description, for example: “un abito di seta, guarnizione e fattura” (a silk gown, decoration and make), “un ombrellino di seta” (a silk umbrella)49, “un ditale’ (a thimble), ‘un paro d’orecchini” (a pair of earrings)50, or “2 ritratti ad olio” (2 oil paintings)51, making it difficult to visualise their actual style and composition. Some entries, especially for the eighteenth century, are even more general, like “mobili di casa” (house furniture)52, “vestimenti e robbe” (clothing and goods), “giocali d’oro e d’argento” (gold and silver items)53, “utensili di cucina e rame” (kitchen utensils and copper), and “altri diverse robbe, abiti di Casa ad uso di Donna” (various other goods, housecoats for women)54. Such was the case for three brides: Gratia Mifsud, who formalised her marriage on 1 July 1775 and was promised sixty scudi worth of goods, including gold and silver items, as part of her parents’ inheritance55; Liberata, from Valletta, whose parents contributed sixty scudi in gold and silver items to sustain the marriage56; and Anna, an orphan girl resident at the Casetta57, who was provided with over forty scudi worth of gold and silver items by Donna Catherina Lhoste, her benefactor58. It is important to highlight that in such cases a more detailed description of the items could have formed part of a separate contract when the actual transfer of the goods was made to the groom, or it could also have been included in the original version of the contract. This is clearly stated in the marriage contract between Petra, another orphan girl living at the Casetta, and Salvatore Darmanin, who were given twenty-five scudi and six tarì’s worth of gold and silver items59, which, it was stated, were listed in the original version of the contract60.

Notarial deeds for the nineteenth century indicate that there seems to have been a drive for notaries to provide a more detailed description of the weight of gold and silverware and a separate note for the cost of its manufacture61. This might be due to the number of ‘irregularities at present existing in the manufacture of Gold and Silver articles within this Island’62. Such abuses led to the enforcement of ‘ancient Laws’63, and the issuing of a number of laws and binding regulations starting from 1820 and continuing up till the reform of 185664. These regulations were to ensure homogeneity and authenticity in the finished gold or silver product. Already before the late seventeenth century, the Knights of St John (1530–1798) had established strict laws which provided for the election of two Consuls, one for silver and another for gold, each appointed by the Grand Master65. In addition to these, the 1820 regulations decreed that an Assayer66, was to be ‘appointed by Government, for the purpose of inspecting all such articles, in concert with the Consuls, previous to their being stamped with the Government Stamp’67. These were to be administered by the Monte di Pietà which, in addition to pawning services, was also invested with the responsibility of “assessing, scrutinising, weighing [and] stamping of precious metals, and evaluation of precious gems”68.

Indisputably, the value of gems and jewellery varies depending upon the relationship of the item to the person, to the culture, and to the social, regional, and geographical location. The records of Notary Antonio Micallef for 1856 give us a good indication of the quality of silver found in Maltese houses during this period. When recording the transfer of silverware by Concetta, widow of the merchant Luigi Barbar, to her daughter Maria, the said notary stated that he was present during the Consul’s evaluation69. Accordingly, he faithfully noted down all details, providing information on their exact weight, the cost of manufacture, and whether the items were made of silver “di Francia”, “di Malta”, “di Roma” or “inglese”70. These different alloys were used for specific artefacts depending on their usage, with “Argento di Francia”71 being the highest alloy used by silversmiths in Malta72, followed by the “Argento di Roma” and the “Argento di Malta”, respectively73 (Fig. 5).

Typical jewellery worn by the Maltese

Notarial deeds also give us an indication of the type of jewellery worn or owned by the populace at the time, with inherited or donated items possibly pointing towards earlier fashion trends. Although, just like clothes and furniture, jewellery styles circulating in Malta enjoyed their own local character, as already noted these also reflected similar fashion trends that were popular abroad and show Malta to be a microcosm of European civilization. Typical jewellery items such as rings, brooches, earrings and necklaces, get a recurring mention in deeds. Among the most notably mentioned styles are articles of filigree74 – a technique which reached its culmination in popularity, mastery of technique, and workmanship in the nineteenth century75. As is so well evidenced by various reports produced during this period, this intricate method of metalwork began to be identified as a local jewellery niche and, over the course of the years, it became intrinsically tied to Maltese jewellery production76 (Fig. 6).

According to Marika Azzopardi, interest in this type of craftsmanship derived from a general trend which saw a stronger appreciation in the technical, creative, and artistic elements in the manufacture of jewellery items. The increase in demand fuelled the imagination of artists and exposed the skill and dexterity of the silversmiths and goldsmiths when executing the intricate designs77. Filigree was also not too expensive to produce due to its light weight, thus making it accessible to a broader section of the local market78. The setting up of the Society of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce in 1852 enhanced interest in filigree production through its teaching schemes for aspiring filigree makers79. Socio-cultural realities and fashion trends of the time dictated the production of diverse specimens, as is so well indicated in the documents under study. Here one finds items such as: “anelli di filigrano” (filigree rings)80, “pendenti d’oro filigrano ultima moda” (gold filigree pendants, latest style), “una catinella d’oro filograno di 6 palmi con croce fatta a sfera” (a gold filigree chain of 6 palms with a sphere cross)81, and also filigree brooches “fatti a Rosa” (rose-shaped)82.

Jewellery embellished with pearls83 and coral84 was another regularly found item in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century dowry lists. Coral was highly prized for its protective and medicinal qualities, which were said to ward off any form of evil or disease, especially to those most susceptible in society. The assumed apotropaic power of coral was intrinsically tied to its vivid red colour which in the Christian culture was associated with Christ’s blood85. Apart from its common use in the manufacture of religious items such as rosary beads86, it was also styled in various other forms and worn copiously by both women and children87. Among the list of coral jewellery one finds mentioned in the sample of documents being studied are the following examples: “un paio di anelli orecchini d’oro con corallo” (a pair of ring earrings with coral), “una collana di corallo con sua croce di Corniola” (a coral necklace with a Carnelian cross), “un paio di pendenti di corallo coi suoi bottoni, pure di corallo in camei” (a pair of coral pendants with their cameo buttons), “tre bottoni di corallo per camicie montati in oro” (three gold-mounted coral buttons for shirts), and another set of the same “per polso” (for cuffs)88 (Figg. 7 – 8).

The rose-cut diamond, which is also known as the ‘Antwerp’, ‘Holland’, or ‘Dutch rose’, is also represented in the dowries analysed and is referred to as “rosa d’Olanda” or “diamanti Fiaminghe”89. It is found integrated into various styles amongst which one finds, “un circhetto con Diamanti Fiaminghe num[er]o 7” (a ring with 7 Flemish diamonds)90, “un anello d’oro con rose d’Olanda” (a gold ring with Dutch rose), “due orecchini con rosa d’Olanda” (two Dutch rose earrings)91, and “una spilla fattura con Rosa d’Olanda prim’acqua” (a brooch manufactured with fine Duch Rose)92.

British influence

While the long rule of the Hospitaller Knights (1530–1798) and their conspicuous living introduced new trends in the decorative arts which were mainly influenced by Italian, Spanish, and French styles, British possession of the island during the nineteenth century meant that a Mediterranean community had to co-exist with an Anglo-Saxon culture. Although the early years of British rule saw only a handful of Maltese aristocrats interested in mingling with their colonial masters, by the second half of the nineteenth century, Malta’s prosperity saw a rise in its middle-class due to their involvement in various business opportunities generated through contacts with the British93.

Perhaps, one of the most noticeable British influences on Maltese culture was the increase in popularity of the consumption of tea94. Porcelain and silver tableware listed in nineteenth-century dowries are highly reflective of this ever-increasing influence on local taste. In fact, during this period, dowries begin to include items which are typical of nineteenth-century British fashion, such as the “servizio per caffe e per te in porcellana riccamente dorato” (a porcelain coffee and tea set, richly decorated with gold), or the “tettiera piccola d’argento” (a small silver teapot), or even still the sugar tongs described as “molette per zucchero”95.

Such influence also translated itself in the language used by the notary to describe certain items, this also being the case when the notarial deed was written in Italian, the language used by the legal profession in Malta. It may be noted how during this period, notaries began to use words like “locket”—a sentimental jewellery style which is tightly linked to Victorian England (1837–1901)96 – to describe a “medaglione”97, “desk” to replace the Italian word “scrivania”, or “side-board” to describe the usual “credenza”98.

When referring to new influences on  jewellery in Malta during the British period, Balzan argued that objects having a reference to the Classical past,  like coral, cameos, ‘lava’ jewels and micro mosaics, seem to have been in demand, especially as tokens of the Grand Tour. Such items, either finished or to be incorporated in jewels,  were imported from Italy, reflecting the long historical ties between the two countries99. In the dowry lists analyzed these  are randomly mentioned and include items such as, “un Pajo pendenti di corallo con suo bottoni pure di corallo in cameo” (a pair of coral pendants with their buttons also of coral cameo)100,  “anello con cameo di corallo” (a ring in coral cameo)101, “una spilla con carbonchio d’oro” (a brooch with gold granite), “una spilla Giove”102 (a Giove brooch), “spilla con mosaico Bizzantino” (a brooch with Byzantine mosaic)103, “spilla con mosaico porpora” (brooch with porpora mosaic)104, and a “braccioletto d’oro con mosaico” (a gold bracelet with mosaic)105 (Fig. 9).

Other interesting encounters are the mention of an insect brooch, referred to as “una spilla a mosca con turchini”106 (a fly brooch with turquoise)– a style that was in fashion on the continent in the early 1860s, and that of a “braccioletta con testa di Serpente” (a bracelet with a serpent’s head)107. (Fig. 10) While it may be stated that the serpent design could be linked to the strong presence of Maltese emigrants in North Africa108, at the time it was also one of the most successful designs in Victorian fashion109. Another item worthy of mention is the “Croce d’Abissinia d’oro/oggetto d’affezione” (A gold Abyssinian cross of sentimental value)110. The Abyssinian Cross, through its intricate lattice-like pattern, represented the interconnection between humanity and divinity and was believed to protect the wearer from evil. It is interesting to note that in 1868, the year in which this item was recorded by the notary, there was the Abyssinian Expedition (1867-April1868) wherein British troops participated in a campaign to free Europeans held hostage in Abyssinia (Ethiopia)111.  A result of the success of this campaign was the looting of the treasures of Magdala, which soon became desired objects for both soldiers and civilians112. One wonders whether the sentimental value declared to be attached to this cross recalls this war.

Concluding remarks

In conclusion, this research aimed to examine foreign influences on fashion and taste in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Maltese society through the lens of legal sources. Malta, being well placed at the crossroads of the Mediterranean and serving as a base for both the Hospitaller Order of St John during the eighteenth century, and, later on in the nineteenth century, for the British Empire, serves as a prime example of how cultural trends which were circulating in Europe and the Mediterranean often left an indelible impact on societies.The documents discussed in this study represent only a fraction of the extensive information that can be uncovered through a detailed examination of Maltese notarial records. These initial findings suggest that Maltese society rapidly embraced contemporary European and Mediterranean fashions and tastes during this period, and it is hoped that they will stimulate further research, drawing on the vast array of sources available to explore the complex intersections of time, place, and culture113.

  1. Although clothing and textiles possessed an economic value which made them important reserves of wealth, it is not the scope of this study to consider them when discussing fashion trends in the interest of conciseness. With regards to the nineteenth century, the topic is studied by C. Tonna, Society Fashion in Malta. The Portrait Photography of  Leandro Preziosi (1830–1860), Malta 2022. For the international context of jewellery in Nineteenth-Century Malta see R. Cruciata, Gli anni maltesi dell’incisore in pietre dure e preziose Michele Laudicina senior (1762-1832), in “OADI. Rivista dell’Osservatorio per le Arti Decorative in Italia”, a 14 n. 28, dicembre 2023, https://www.oadirivista.it/2023/12/29/roberta-cruciata. Accessed 22 October 2024.[↩]
  2. For a brief overview of eighteenth-century Malta, see: A. Luttrell, Eighteenth-Century Malta: Prosperity and Problems, in “Hyphen”, Vol. 3 No. 2 (1982), pp. 37-51. For the nineteenth century see: The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964. The Impact on Maltese Society, Victor Mallia-Milanes ed., Malta 1988.[↩]
  3. I. Fazio, Le Ricchezze e le Donne: Verso una ri-problematizzazione, in “Quaderni storici”, Vol. 101 No. 2 (1999), pp. 539-550. Retrieved from <https://www.jstor.org/stable/43779196>. Accessed on 8 April 2023.[↩]
  4. J. Abela, The alla Maltese marriage regime and its implications on women’s property rights in the sixteenth century, in Non Omins Moriar, Essays in memory of Dun Gwann Azzopardi, Petra Caruana Dingli and Mario Gauci, eds, Malta 2022, pp. 197-222.[↩]
  5. The inclusion of the term in perpetuum after the mention of a particular marriage regime meant that this could not be changed into another one, not even if there was an agreement between the parties. J. Abela, The alla Maltese…, 2022, p. 199. From a sample of 16 eighteenth-century marriage agreements, 14 included this term. As for the nineteenth century, from a total of 9 marriage contracts, only two included it.[↩]
  6. A. Micallef, Dritto Municipale Di Malta Compilato Sotto De Rohan G.M. Or Nuovamente Corredato di Annotazioni, Vol. 1, Malta 1843, pp. 384-385.[↩]
  7. J. Abela, The alla Maltese…, 2022, pp. 208-211.[↩]
  8. NAV [Notarial Archives, Valletta], R308A/1 (14 January 1776) ff. 51-51v.[↩]
  9. NAV, R364/1 (29 November 1833) f. 98v.[↩]
  10. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) p. 2092. S. Degiorgio and E. Fiorentino, Antoine Favray (1706–1798): A French Artist in Rome, Malta and Constantinople, Malta 2004.[↩]
  11. For a history of the evolution of furniture styles in Malta see: J. Manduca, ed., Antique Furniture in Malta, Malta 2002.[↩]
  12. For a study of the influence of European silverware on the Maltese art of silversmithing, see: A. Apap Bologna, The Silver of Malta, Malta 1995, and Maltese Neoclassical silver at the turn of the nineteenth century, in International Perspectives on the Decorative Arts: Nineteenth-century Malta, Mark Sagona, ed., Malta 2021, pp. 25-35. See also Roberta Cruciata’s studies: Intrecci preziosi – Arti Decorative Siciliane a Malta 1565-1798, Palermo – Bagheria 2016); Riflessioni sull’apporto artistico degli orafi e argentieri napoletani a Malta nel Seicento, in “Napoli Nobilissima Rivista di Arti, Filologia e Storia”, fascicolo III/settembre-dicembre, Napoli 2019, pp. 60-63; Silver from Catania for Malta in the early nineteenth century, in International Perspectives …, 2021, pp. 48-59; Sicilian silver in Malta: an eighteenth century ciborium in Mdina, in “The Burlington Magazine”, January 2023, vol. 165, no. 1438, pp. 42-49.[↩]
  13. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) pp. 2086-2098.[↩]
  14. Louis Constantin Boisselot (1809–1850) was the most active piano builder in a dynasty of instrument makers, publishers, and composers. Retrieved from <http://luxurypianos.eu/pianos/boisselot.html>. Accessed on 14 January 2024. See also H. Schott, ‘Boisselot’, in L. Libin, ed., The Grove Dictionary of Musical Instruments, 2nd ed., E-book (Oxford University Press, 2015). DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.L2275202 – https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/search?q=Louis+Constantin+Boisselot+&searchBtn=Search&isQuickSearch=true, and https://web.archive.org/web/20121130041438/http://www.piano-boisselot.com/histoireboisselot.html>. Accessed 14 January 2024.[↩]
  15. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) f. 2092. 12 scudi were equivalent to £1. For a comparison with wages in Malta during the nineteenth century see P. Caruana Galizia, Strategic colonies and economic development: real wages in Cyprus, Gibraltar, and Malta, 1836-1913, in “Economic History Review”, Vol. 68 No. 4 (2015), pp. 1250-1276.[↩]
  16. Etelvoldo was the son of Ill(ustrissi)mo Cavaliere Raphael Ferro, Consul of Prussia and the late Carolina nee Kera, who were both resident in Valletta, Malta. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) pp. 2066.[↩]
  17. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) pp. 2105-2106.[↩]
  18. Alessandro Gagliano (1665–1732) was the first in this family of violin makers. Unlike his sons Nicolò and Gennaro he used his own original models rather than those of Stradivari. Retrieved from <https://tarisio.com/cozio-archive/browse-the-archive/makers/maker/?Maker_ID=187>. Accessed on 13 January 2024. See also: Charles Beare, ‘Gagliano’, E-book (2001) DOI: https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.10479, https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/search?q=Alessandro+gagliano&searchBtn=Search&isQuickSearch=true. Accessed 13 January 2024.[↩]
  19. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) p. 2106.[↩]
  20. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) pp. 2099-2103.[↩]
  21. The images of jewellery items reproduced throughout the paper do not show the actual pieces quoted from the documents, but are used to suggest what they would have looked like. Dimensions are in millimeters and height precedes length. All images were published in Vanity, Profanity & Worship: Jewellery from the Maltese Islands, G. Bonello, ed., Malta 2013.[↩]
  22. The term cartouche comes from the French soldiers who were present in large numbers in Egypt during Napoleon Bonaparte’s Egyptian Campaign. The symbols depicted in pharaonic ruins for them looked like the powder cartridges of their rifles (cartouches de poudre in French).[↩]
  23. Retrieved from <https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/24/fashion/jewelry-egyptian-revival.html>. Accessed on 29 January 2024.[↩]
  24. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) p. 2102.[↩]
  25. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) pp. 2101-2102. For some examples see J. Farrugia, Antique Maltese Domestic Silver, Malta 1992, pp. 107-110. F. Balzan, Picturing Jewellery in 19th-century Malta: The evidence from periodicals and contemporary writings, in Vanity, Profanity…, 2013, pp. 296-297. A. Bologna, The Silver…, 1995, pp. 245-246.[↩]
  26. R. Cruciata, Gioielli sentimentali nella società siciliana del Secondo Ottocento, in Arti Decorative, costume e società nel Mediterraneo tra XVIII e XIX secolo, Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi a cura di R. Cruciata, M.C. Di Natale, S. Intorre, Numero Speciale 1/2024 di “OADI – Rivista dell’Osservatorio per le Arti Decorative in Italia”, Palermo 2024, passim.[↩]
  27. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) p. 2102. During this period, jewels were also designed around the cross, anchor and heart which represented faith, hope and charity. See P. Hinks, Nineteenth Century Jewellery, London 1975, p. 37. Another example of this type is “un orologio con catena ed un medaglione con lettera S. in piccoli diamanti”, NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) 172. For sentimental jewellery see R. Cruciata, Jewellery with Sentimental Inscriptions in Sicily: Eclecticism and the International Dimension (1850–1900), in Proceedings of Jewellery in Texts: Texts in Jewellery Conference, 2 July 2022, London 2022.[↩]
  28. The Tagliaferros lived at 298, St Paul Street, Valletta. See, NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) f. 154.[↩]
  29. Olga eventually became the sole heiress to the Tagliaferro Banking House. For more information on the establishment of the Genoese Tagliaferro family in Malta in the 1800s , see: <https://www.independent.com.mt/articles/2023-04-02/newspaper-lifestyleculture/Part-1-Malta-Maritime-History-B-Tagliaferro-e-Figli-6736250766>. Accessed on 15 December 2023.[↩]
  30. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) pp. 109-113.[↩]
  31. Count Alfredo Sant Fournier was President of the Malta Society of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce in 1901. See M. Azzopardi, The history of the Society’s 100 years at Palazzo de La Salle, in Palazzo De La Salle, Valletta, Malta: Genesis & Evolution, C. Miggiani and G. Zammit, eds, Malta 2023, pp. 122-126, p. 124, Fig. 1.[↩]
  32. President of the Malta Society of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, 1890–1893. See M. Azzopardi, The history of the Society’s…, 2023, p. 124 Fig. 1.[↩]
  33. Her maiden surname was De Baroni Testaferrata Abela.[↩]
  34. For a study of the noble class in Malta, see J. Montalto, The Nobles of Malta. 1530–1800, Malta 1980.[↩]
  35. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 116.[↩]
  36. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) pp. 105-179.[↩]
  37. For mention of, Emerald see: NAV, R364/1 (29 November 1833) f. 88; R348/61 (31 January 1869) f.157, Onyx, NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 171; Ruby, NAV, R364/1 (29 November 1833) f. 88, R348/61 (31 January 1869) f.157, NAV, R32/24 (24 December 1864) p. 312, R348/60, (10 October 1868), p. 2088, R348/61, (31 January 1869), p. 170-171, Topaz, NAV, R308A/1 (2 August 1779), f. 421, R364/1 (24 July 1832) f.78, (28 February 1834) f. 11, R348/30 (10 May 1856) pp. 467-468, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 159, 169, 171; Topaz – Yellow, NAV, R364/1(29 November 1833) f. 88, Turquoise, NAV, R126/36 (14 March 1728) f. 735v, R32/24 (29 December 1864) p. 314, 349, R348/60 (10 October 1868) p. 2088, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 171; Agate, NAV, R348/60 (10 October 1868) p. 2088, NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 170; Diamond, NAV, R364/1 (29 November 1833) f. 88, (31 December 1834) f. 82, R117/29 (23 July 1832) f. 445v, R251 (18 February 1846) f. 349v, R117/44 (6 January 1847) f. 7v, R348/30 (10 May 1856) p. 468, R32/24 (29 December 1864) pp. 311-313, 347 R348/60 (10 October 1868) pp. 2088, 2100.[↩]
  38. F. Balzan, Jewellery in Malta: Treasures from the Island of the Knights (1530–1798), Malta 2009, p. 21; P. Hinks, Nineteenth Century Jewellery…, 1975, p. 25.[↩]
  39. F. Balzan, Picturing Jewellery…, 2013, pp. 39-65.[↩]
  40. See for example, NAV, R126/39 (13 December1732) f. 191, R251/13 (18 February 1846) f. 349v, R32/24 (29 December 1864) p. 312, R348/61 (31 January1869) p. 169.[↩]
  41. NAV, R348/61, Deed No. 11, (31 January 1869) p. 156.[↩]
  42. NAV, R348/61, Deed No. 11, (31 January 1869) p. 156.[↩]
  43. NAV, R348/61, Deed No. 11, (31 January 1869) p. 156.[↩]
  44. NAV, R348/61, Deed No. 11, (31 January 1869) p. 156. This sum represents solely the value of the jewellery containing the brilliant cut diamond. By way of comparison it may be noted that in 1869 the Archivist and Notary to Government received an annual salary of £200. See: https://nso.gov.mt/wp-content/uploads/1869_chapter_M.pdf Civil Establishments M4. Accessed 29 January 2024.[↩]
  45. NAV, R348/61, Deed No. 11, (31 January 1869) p 153. By way of comparison it may be noted that in 1869 the Archivist and Notary to Government received an annual salary of £200. See: https://nso.gov.mt/wp-content/uploads/1869_chapter_M.pdf Civli Establishments M4. Accessed 29 January 2024.[↩]
  46. The briolette was one of the popular early cut styles used for diamonds during the Georgian Period (1698–1830).[↩]
  47. A doublet is composed of two pieces of material, usually cemented together at the stone’s widest part. https://www.britannica.com/art/doublet-gem. Accessed 21 October 2024.[↩]
  48. NAV, R348/61, NAV, R348/61, Deed No.11, (31 January 1869), p. 156. (31 January 1869), ff. 152, 176-177. Hugo Plesch is said to have introduced in Malta the proliferation of diamonds set in silver flower motif brooches. See F. Balzan, Picturing Jewellery…, 2013, p. 54.[↩]
  49. NAV, R348/30, Deed No. 9, (30 January 1856) p. 98.[↩]
  50. NAV, R308A/1 (2 August 1779) f. 420v.[↩]
  51. NAV, R348/30, No, 9,  (30 January 1856) p. 476.[↩]
  52. NAV, R308A/1 (4 February 1781) f. 600.[↩]
  53. NAV, R308A/1 (14 January 1776) ff. 51-52.[↩]
  54. NAV, R364/1 (28 February 1834) f. 8.[↩]
  55. NAV, R308A/1 (1 July 1779) f. 412.[↩]
  56. NAV, R308A/1 (10 November 1777) f. 234.[↩]
  57. The Casetta formed part of the Order’s female section at the Sacra Infermeria (Holy Infirmary) and was managed by the Commissioners of the Poor. Although it was initially set up as a female hospital, by the second half of the eighteenth century it was also admitting children. Adjacent to the building there was also an orphanage. See G. Bonello, Caterina Scappi and her revolutionary hospital for women who were incurable, in “The Sunday Times of Malta”, 23 August 2015.[↩]
  58. NAV, R308A/1 (6 April 1778) f. 300v.[↩]
  59. NAV, R308A/1 (19 July 1781) f. 627.[↩]
  60. Unfortunately, this could not be traced and in all probability it has not survived. During Hospitaller rule, the law stipulated that the notary had to keep three copies of the same act. These were known as the Original copy, the Register copy -which was a true copy of the Original – and the Bastardello copy, the latter being an abbreviated version of the deed. Many Original deeds have suffered extensive damage over time and most of the research needs to be carried out using solely the Register copies.[↩]
  61. The Master of the Mint in the early nineteenth century was in fact then called ‘intendente di Pesi’. See A. Apap Bologna, Maltese Neoclassical Silver…, 2021, pp. 28-31.[↩]
  62. NAM (National Archives of Malta) – OPU-Minute 1820, pp. 274-275.[↩]
  63. NAM_OPU – Minute 1820, pp. 274-275.[↩]
  64. NAM_OPU_Ordinance II 1856, 119-122. See Farrugia, Antique Maltese, 12-13; V.E. Denaro, The Goldsmiths of Malta and their Marks, Firenze 1972, p. 124.[↩]
  65. V.E. Denaro, The Goldsmiths…, 1972, pp. 11-20, 119.[↩]
  66. This post that was already established under the Order. In the early eighteenth century, assayers, called assaggiatori, were active as second-in-command to the Master of the Mint. There was a separation of tasks between the controlling of coinage and goldsmithing. Thanks are due to Alaine Apap Bologna for this information given on 27 January 2024.[↩]
  67. NAM_OPU-Minute 1820, p. 275.[↩]
  68. J. Farrugia, Antique Maltese…, 1992, p. 12.[↩]
  69. The Goldsmith Consul was Francesco Fenech. NAV, R 348/30 (30 January 1856), Deed No 9, p. 98.[↩]
  70. The latter being a sauce ladle and a butter knife, which most probably were imported from England. See J. Farrugia, Antique Maltese…, 1992, pp. 88, 94, for similar examples from the nineteenth century. NAV R 348/30, Deed No, 9, (30 January 1856) pp. 96-98.[↩]
  71. See also, R251 (18 February 1846) ff. 350-351 for items of French silver valued by the Consul Salvatore Ittar.[↩]
  72. Depending on the date, this was between 935/1000 to 875/1000 pure silver ‘mixed’ with base metals. Thanks are due to Alaine Apap Bologna for this information given on 27 January 2024.[↩]
  73. The highest amalgam of base metal to the silver for Maltese silver was around 830/1000. Thanks are due to Alaine Apap Bologna for this information given on 27 January 2024. In an 1847 inventory of a shop on 27, St Lucy Street, Valletta, we also find the mention of the ‘Argento di Tripoli’ in the records of Notary Antonio Giacomo Calleja, NAV, R117/44 (6 January 1847) f. 7v.[↩]
  74. See for example, NAV, R62/4 (3 September 1712) f. 5v; R126/36 (14 March 1728) f. 735v; R314/2 (6 June 1738) f. 99v; R364/1 (1831-1839), (24 July 1832) f. 78v, (31 December1834) ff. 81v-82,  (28 February 1834) f. 11; R32/24, (29 December 1864) pp. 311, 313; R348/60 (10 October 1868) pp. 2099-2100; R348/61 (31 January 1869) pp. 170-171.[↩]
  75. M. Azzopardi, 19th Century Maltese Filigree Jewellery, BA (Hons) Dissertation, University of Malta, 2009, pp. 23-24. For some fine examples see Vanity, Profanity…, 2013, pp. 323-351.[↩]
  76. M. Azzopardi, 19th-Century Maltese Filigree…, 2009, p. 2.[↩]
  77. M. Azzopardi, 19th-Century Maltese Filigree…, 2009, p. 3.[↩]
  78. For an examination of the role of filigree work as a mode of social positioning, see R. Rodrigues, The Social Life of Filigree Objects, M.A. dissertation; University of Birmingham, 2022.[↩]
  79. Palazzo De La Salle…, 2023.[↩]
  80. NAV, R364/1 (24 July 1832) f. 78v.[↩]
  81. NAV, R364/1 (28 February 1834) f. 11.[↩]
  82. NAV, R364/1 (31 December 1834) ff. 81v-82.[↩]
  83. See for example NAV R62/1 (3 September 1712) f. 5v; R314/2 (6 June 1738) f. 99v; R126/44 (10 December 1742) f. 162; R308A/1 (2 August 1779) f. 420v); NAV, R364/1 (28 February 1834) f. 11; R32/24 (29 December 1864) pp. 311-312, 346; R348/61 (31 January 1869) pp. 159,177.[↩]
  84. See for example NAV, R314/2 (1735-1739), (6 June 1738) f. 99v, R364/1 (1831-1839), R 117/29 (23 July 1832) f. 445v, (29 December 1833) f. 88; R251 (18 February 1846) ff. 349-349v; R32/24 (29 December 1864) pp. 313-314, 348; R348/60 (10 October 1868) p. 2101, R348/61 (31 January 1869) pp. 157, 170.[↩]
  85. F. Balzan and A. Deidun, Notes for a History of Coral Fishing and Coral Arefacts in Malta, in 60th Anniversary of the Malta Historical Society: A Commemoration, Malta Historical Society, J.F. Grima, ed., Malta 2010, pp. 435-454; Vanity, Profanity…, 2013, pp. 106-109.[↩]
  86. N. de Piro, The Quality of Malta: Fashion and Taste in Private Collections, Malta 2003, pp. 127, 129.[↩]
  87. F. Balzan, Picturing Jewellery…, 2013, pp. 53-54.[↩]
  88. NAV, R364/1 (29 November 1833) f. 88.[↩]
  89. The first diamond cuts with multiple triangular facets were introduced in Antwerp in the sixteenth century. Prior to this the only cut was the table cut. Eventually, Antwerp became the primary cutting and diamond trading centre, hence the name. The ‘rose cut’ is defined by its rounded outline and multiple triangular facets. Retrieved from <https://www.berganza.com/feature-rose_cut_diamonds.html>. Accessed on 26 January 2024. See also P. Hinks, Nineteenth Century Jewellery…, 1975, pp. 68-69.[↩]
  90. NAV, R117/29, (23 July 1832) f. 445v.[↩]
  91. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148,  (10 October 1868) p. 2101.[↩]
  92. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) p. 2089.[↩]
  93. H. Frendo, Maltese Colonial Identity: Latin Mediterranean or British Empire?, in The British Colonial Experience. 1800–1964, V. Mallia-Milanes, ed., Malta 1988, p. 186.[↩]
  94. J. Farrugia, Antique Maltese…, 1992, p. 51.[↩]
  95. NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) ff. 2086, 2095. 2099.[↩]
  96. R. Cruciata, Jewellery with Sentimental…, 2022.[↩]
  97. ‘un locket con croce di smalto bianco e catena’, NAV, R348/60, Deed No.148, 10 October 1868), f. 2089; ‘un locket con un grande corallo in oro’, NAV, R348/61, Deed No.11, (31 January 1869) p.  157. See also J. Farrugia, Antique Maltese…, 1992, p. 104.[↩]
  98. NAV  R348/30 (30 January 1856), No Progressivo 9, p. 97; R348/60, Deed No.148, (10 October 1868) pp. 2086, 2104.[↩]
  99. F. Balzan, Picturing Jewellery…, 2013, pp. 40, 43.[↩]
  100. NAV, R364/1 (29 December 1833) f. 88.[↩]
  101. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 170.[↩]
  102. NAV, R348/60 (10 December 1868) p. 2101.[↩]
  103. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 157.[↩]
  104. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 170.[↩]
  105. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 159.[↩]
  106. NAV, R348/61 (31 January 1869) p. 171.[↩]
  107. NAV, R32/24 (29 December 1864) pp. 314, 349.[↩]
  108. F. Balzan, Picturing Jewellery…, 2013, p. 44.[↩]
  109. P. Hinks, Nineteenth Century Jewellery…, 1975, p. 43.[↩]
  110. NAV R348/60 (10 October 1960) p. 2101.[↩]
  111. J. Czeslaw, Theodore II of Ethiopia, in “History Today”, Vol. 22 (Apr 1972), pp. 255-264.[↩]
  112. “The roll of the drum assembled all the officers and crowds of onlookers around the piled treasures of Magdala, which covered half an acre of ground… Bidders were not scarce. Every officer and civilian desired some souvenir of Magdala.” Journalist and explorer Henry Morgan Stanley recalling the British auction of treasures following the capture of Magdala – 1896. Retrieved from: https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/abyssinia. Accessed 9 February 2024.[↩]
  113. An abridged version of this paper was published in Arti Decorative, Costume e Società…, 2024. I would like to thank Francesca Balzan, Alaine Apap Bologna and Giovanni Bonello for reading and commenting on various drafts of this paper.[↩]

2024 | OADI – Rivista dell'Osservatorio per le Arti Decorative in Italia | Tribunale di Palermo - Autorizzazione n. 10 del 27-04-2010 | ISSN 2038-4394